In the history of sexuality, Greek love is a concept of homoeroticism within the classical tradition. It is one of the "classically inspired erotic imaginings" by means of which later cultures have articulated their own discourse about homosexuality. The metaphor of "Greek love" becomes most vivid historically in periods when the reception of classical antiquity is an important influence on dominant aesthetic or intellectual movements.[1]
"Greek love" should not be understood as referring specifically to historical homosexual practices in ancient Greece, but to the conceptualizing of those practices among other cultures:
'Greece' as the historical memory of a treasured past was romanticised and idealised as a time and a culture when love between men was not only tolerated but actually encouraged, and expressed as the high ideal of same-sex camaraderie. … If tolerance and approval of male homosexuality had happened once — and in a culture so much admired and imitated by the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries — might it not be possible to replicate in modernity the antique homeland of the non-heteronormative?[2]
Following the work of sexuality theorist Michel Foucault, the validity of an ancient Greek model for modern gay culture has been questioned.[3]
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As a phrase in Modern English[4] and other modern European languages, "Greek love" refers to various (mostly homoerotic) practices as part of the Hellenic heritage of Western culture;[5] quotation marks are often placed on either or both words ("Greek" love, Greek "love", or "Greek love") to indicate that usage of the phrase is determined by context. It often serves as a "coded phrase" for pederasty,[6] or to "sanitize" homosexual desire in historical contexts where it was considered unacceptable.[7]
The German term griechische Liebe ("Greek love") appears in German literature between 1750 and 1850, along with socratische Liebe ("Socratic love") and platonische Liebe ("Platonic love") in reference to male-male attractions.[8] Ancient Greece became a positive reference point by which homosexual men of a certain class and education could engage in discourse that might otherwise be taboo.[9] In the early Modern period, a disjuncture was carefully maintained between idealized male eros in the classical tradition, which was treated with reverence, and sodomy, which was a term of contempt.[10]
In his classic study Greek Homosexuality, Kenneth Dover points out that the English nouns "a homosexual" and "a heterosexual" have no equivalent in the ancient Greek language. While individuals might differ in their sexual preferences, it was assumed that a person would have both hetero- and homosexual responses at different times.[11] Evidence for same-sex attractions and behaviors is more abundant for men than for women. Both romantic love and sexual passion between men were considered normal, and under some circumstances healthy or admirable. By far the most common male-male relationship was paiderasteia, a socially-acknowledged institution in which a mature male (erastēs, the active lover) bonded with or mentored a teen-aged youth[12] (eromenos, the passive lover, or pais, "boy" understood as an endearment and not necessarily a category of age[13]).
Greek art and literature portray these relationships as sometimes erotic or sexual, or sometimes idealized, educational, non-consummated, or non-sexual. These erotic images can be found most commonly painted on pottery. A distinctive feature of Greek male-male eros was its occurrence or encouragement within a military setting, as with the Theban Band.[14]
Some Greek myths have been interpreted as reflecting the custom of paiderasteia, most notably the myth of Zeus kidnapping Ganymede to become his cupbearer in the Olympian symposium.[15] The death of Hyacinthus is also frequently referenced as a pederastic myth.
The main Greek literary sources for Greek homosexuality are lyric poetry, Athenian comedy, the works of Plato and Xenophon, and courtroom speeches from Athens. Vase paintings from the 500s and 400s BC depict courtship and sex between males.[16]
In Latin, mos Graeciae or mos Graecorum ("Greek custom" or "the way of the Greeks") refers to a variety of behaviors the ancient Romans regarded as Greek, and not to any specific sexual practice.[17] Homosexual behaviors at Rome were acceptable only within an inherently unequal relationship; male Roman citizens retained their masculinity as long as they took the active, penetrating role, and the appropriate male sexual partner was a prostitute or slave, who would nearly always be non-Roman.[18] Effeminacy or a lack of discipline in managing one's sexual attraction to another male threatened a man's "Romanness" and thus might be disparaged as "Eastern" or "Greek." Slaves often were given, and prostitutes sometimes assumed, Greek names regardless of their ethnic origin; the boys (pueri) to whom the poet Martial is attracted have Greek names.[19] The Hellenization of elite culture as a kind of luxury import influenced sexual attitudes among "avant-garde, philhellenic Romans."[20] As a form of literary and aesthetic conspicuous consumption, "homosexuality was for the rich," in the view of Ramsay MacMullen.[21] No assumptions or generalizations should be made about any effect on sexual orientation or behavior;[22] rather, the elevation of Greek literature and art as models of expression caused homoeroticism to be regarded as urbane and sophisticated.[23]
There were fears, however, that Greek models might affect behavior and corrupt traditional Roman social codes (the mos maiorum). A vaguely documented law that was passed during this period of Hellenization attempted to regulate aspects of homosexual relationships between freeborn males, perhaps to protect Roman youth from older men emulating Greek customs of pederasty.[24] Sexual behaviors also played a role in 186 BC in the suppression of the Bacchanalia, an imported "Greek" rite conducted with a secrecy that was antithetical to the public cult practices of ancient Rome. Conservative Romans expressed anxieties that young freeborn males would be led astray and undergo anal penetration during the required initiation — whether or not such sexual behaviors were an actual part of the rites.[25]
By the close of the 2nd century BC, however, the consul Quintus Lutatius Catulus was among a circle of poets who made short, light Hellenistic poems fashionable in the late Republic. One of his few surviving fragments is a poem of desire addressed to a male with a Greek name, signaling a new aesthetic in Roman culture.[26] The Hellenizing of Latin literature in the "new poetry" came to fruition in the 50s BC with Gaius Valerius Catullus, whose poems, written in forms adapted from Greek meters, include several expressing desire for a freeborn youth explicitly named "Youth" (Iuventius). His Latin name and free-born status subvert pederastic tradition at Rome. Catullus, however, more often addresses his poems to a woman,[27] and while the theme of boy-love is found in his successors writing during the reign of Augustus, by the end of the Augustan period Ovid, Rome's leading literary figure, declares the fashion dead: making love with a woman is more enjoyable, he says, because unlike pederastic sex it's mutual.[28]
The Hellenization of Roman culture occurred in large part as a result of the Roman conquest of Greece. Roman attitudes toward Greek culture were thus ambivalent: while it was admired as superior in the arts and intellectual pursuits, Roman superiority was asserted in matters of morality, and sometimes simply asserted. In Archaic and classical Greece, paiderasteia had been a formal social relationship between freeborn males; taken out of context, and imported into Rome as the luxury product of a conquered people, pederasty came to express roles based on domination and exploitation.[29] The literary ideal celebrated by Catullus stands in contrast to the practice of elite Romans who kept a puer delicatus ("exquisite boy") as a form of high-status sexual consumption, a practice that continued well into the Imperial era. The puer delicatus was a slave chosen from the pages who served in a high-ranking household. He was selected for his good looks and grace to serve at his master's side, where he is often depicted in art. Among his duties, at a convivium he would enact the Greek mythological role of Ganymede, the Trojan youth abducted by Zeus who served as a divine cupbearer.[30] Attacks on emperors such as Nero and Elagabalus, whose young male partners accompanied them in public for official ceremonies, criticized the perceived "Greekness" of male-male sexuality.[31]
The reception of Greek pederasty at Rome thus had a dual character, reflected on the piece of convivial silver known as the Warren Cup. It has been argued that the two sides of this cup represent the two pederastic traditions at Rome, the Greek in contrast to the Roman. On the "Greek" side, a bearded, mature man is mounted by a young but muscularly developed male, probably meant to be 17 or 18. A child-slave watches the scene furtively through a door ajar. The "Roman" side of the cup shows a puer delicatus, age 12 to 13, held for intercourse in the arms of an older male, clean-shaven and fit. The bearded pederast may be Greek, with a partner who participates more freely and with a look of pleasure. His counterpart, who has a more severe haircut, appears to be Roman, and thus uses a slave boy; the myrtle wreath he wears symbolizes his role as an erotic conqueror.[32] The cup may have been designed as a conversation piece to provoke the kind of dialogue on ideals of love and sex that took place at a Greek symposium, but its antiquity has been challenged.[33]
In his work on Roman homosexuality, the classicist Craig A. Williams has emphasized that the Romans themselves did not regard male-male sexual behaviors as foreign, and argues that pederasty itself was not imported. What was foreign to the Romans was the Greek custom of pederasteia in which both participants were free citizens. "Those sexual practices that could be represented as somehow 'Greek'," Williams notes, "were primarily those involving freeborn boys openly courted in accordance with the Hellenic traditions of pederasty."[34] Williams regards the use of slaves as a characteristic that distinguishes Roman pederasty, but asserts that other scholars are in error when they view the Hellenization of Roman culture as having influenced Roman sexual attitudes, though he concedes that the Romans had a concept of "Greek customs which included a homosexual component."[35] Williams also disagrees with other scholars who take Latin expressions such as praegraecari ("to Greek it up") as necessarily illustrating the perceived "Greekness" of certain behaviors. Williams treats the phrase "Greek love" itself as a modern misconception,[36] and his purpose is to describe male-male relations in Rome as a reality. "Greek love," or the cultural model of Greek pederasty in ancient Rome, may be distinguished from homosexual practice as a "topos or literary game" that "never stops being Greek in the Roman imagination."[37]
Male same-sex relationships of the kind portrayed by the "Greek love" ideal were increasingly disallowed within the Judaeo-Christian traditions of Western society.[38] In the postclassical period, love poetry addressed by males to other males has been in general taboo.[39]
In 1469,[40] the Italian Neoplatonist Marsilio Ficino reintroduced Plato's Symposium to Western culture with his Latin translation titled De Amore ("On Love").[41] The Symposium became the most important text for conceptions of love in general during the Renaissance.[42] In his commentary on Plato, Ficino interprets amor platonicus ("Platonic love") and amor socraticus ("Socratic love") allegorically as idealized male love, in keeping with the Church doctrine of his time.[43] Ficino's interpretation of the Symposium influenced a philosophical view that the pursuit of knowledge, particularly self-knowledge, required the sublimation of sexual desire.[44] Ficino thus began the long historical process of suppressing the homoeroticism of Plato's works;[45] in particular, the dialogue Charmides "threatens to expose the carnal nature of Greek love" which Ficino sought to minimize.[46]
For Ficino, "Platonic love" was a bond between two men that fosters a shared emotional and intellectual life, as distinguished from the "Greek love" practiced historically as the erastes/eromenos relationship.[47] Ficino thus points toward the modern usage of "Platonic love" to mean love without sexuality. In his commentary to the Symposium, Ficino carefully separates the act of sodomy, which he condemned, and praises Socratic love as the highest form of friendship. Ficino maintained that men could use each other's beauty and friendship to discover the greatest good, that is, God, and thus Christianized idealized male love as expressed by Socrates.[48]
During the Renaissance, artists such as Leonardo Da Vinci and Michelangelo used Plato's philosophy as inspiration for some of their greatest works. The "rediscovery" of classical antiquity was perceived as a liberating experience, and Greek love as an ideal after a Platonic model.[49] Michelangelo presented himself to the public as a Platonic lover of men, combining Catholic orthodoxy and pagan enthusiasm in his portrayal of the male form, most notably the David,[50] but his great-nephew edited his poems to diminish references to his love for Tommaso Cavalieri.[51]
By contrast, the French Renaissance essayist Montaigne, whose view of love and friendship was humanist and rationalist, rejected "Greek love" as a model in his essay "De l'amitié" ("On Friendship"); it did not accord with the social needs of his own time, he wrote, because it involved "a necessary disparity in age and such a difference in the lovers' functions."[52] Because Montaigne saw friendship as a relationship between equals in the context of political liberty, this inequality diminished the value of Greek love.[53] The physical beauty and sexual attraction inherent in the Greek model for Montaigne were not necessary conditions of friendship, and he dismisses homosexual relations, which he refers to as licence grecque, as socially repulsive.[54] Although the wholesale importation of a Greek model would be socially improper, licence grecque seems to refer only to licentious homosexual conduct, in contrast to the moderate behavior between men in the perfect friendship. When Montaigne chooses to introduce his essay on friendship with recourse to the Greek model, "homosexuality's role as trope is more important than its status as actual male-male desire or act … licence grecque becomes an aesthetic device to frame the center."[55]
The work of the German art historian Johann Winckelmann was a major influence on the formation of classical ideals in the 18th century, and is also a frequent starting point for histories of gay German literature.[56] Winckelmann observed the inherent homoeroticism of Greek art, though he felt he had to leave much of this perception implicit: "I should have been able to say more if I had written for the Greeks, and not in a modern tongue, which imposed on me certain restrictions."[57] His own homosexuality influenced his response to Greek art and often tended toward the rhapsodic: "from admiration I pass to ecstasy …," he wrote of the Apollo Belvedere,[58] "I am transported to Delos and the sacred groves of Lycia—places Apollo honoured with his presence—and the statue seems to come alive like the beautiful creation of Pygmalion."[59] Although now regarded as "ahistorical and utopian," his approach to art history provided a "body" and "set of tropes" for Greek love, "a semantics surrounding Greek love that … feeds into the related eighteenth-century discourses on friendship and love."[60]
Winckelmann inspired German poets in the latter 18th and throughout the 19th century,[61] including Goethe, who pointed to Winckelmann's glorification of the nude male youth in ancient Greek sculpture as central to a new aesthetics of the time,[62] and for whom Winckelmann himself was a model of Greek love as a superior form of friendship.[63] While Winckelmann did not invent the euphemism "Greek love" for homosexuality, he has been characterized as an "intellectual midwife" for the Greek model as an aesthetic and philosophical ideal that shaped the 18th-century homosocial "cult of friendship."[64]
German 18th-century works from the "Greek love" milieu of classical studies include the academic essays of Christoph Meiners and Alexander von Humboldt, the parodic poem "Juno and Ganymede" by Christoph Martin Wieland, and One Year in Arcadia: Kyllenion (1805), a novel about an explicitly male-male love affair in a Greek setting by August, Duke of Sachsen-Gotha.[62]
Neoclassical works of art often represented ancient society and an idealized form of "Greek love."[65] Jacques-Louis David's Death of Socrates is meant to be a "Greek" painting, imbued with an appreciation of "Greek love," a tribute and documentation of leisured, disinterested, masculine fellowship.[66]
The concept of Greek love was important to two of the most significant poets of English Romanticism, Byron and Shelley. The Regency in England was an era characterized by hostility and a "frenzy of … persecutions" against homosexuals, the most virulent decades of which coincided with Byron's lifetime.[67] The terms "homosexual" and "gay" were not used during this period, but "Greek love" among Byron's contemporaries became a way to conceptualize homosexuality, otherwise taboo, within the precedents of a highly esteemed classical past. The philosopher Jeremy Bentham, for instance, appealed to social models of classical antiquity, such as the homoerotic bonds of the Theban Band and pederasty, to demonstrate how these relationships did not inherently erode heterosexual marriage or the family structure.[68]
The high regard for classical antiquity in the 18th century caused some adjustment in homophobic attitudes on the Continent, but not in England.[69] In Germany, the prestige of classical philology led eventually to more honest translations and essays that examined the homoeroticism of Greek culture, particularly pederasty, in the context of scholarly inquiry rather than moral condemnation. Religious and nationalist sentiments in England overall remained hostile.[69] An English archbishop, however, penned what may be the most effusive account of Greek pederasty available in English at the time, duly noted by Byron on the "List of Historical Writers Whose Works I Have Perused" that he drew up at age 19.[70]
Plato was little read in Byron's time, in contrast to the later Victorian era when translations of the Symposium and Phaedrus would have been the most likely way for a young student to learn about Greek sexuality.[71] The one English translation of the Symposium, published in two parts in 1761 and 1767, was an ambitious undertaking by the scholar Floyer Sydenham, who nevertheless was at pains to suppress its homoeroticism: Sydenham regularly translated the word eromenos as "mistress," and "boy" often becomes "maiden" or "woman."[72] At the same time, the classical curriculum in English schools passed over works of history and philosophy in favor of Latin and Greek poetry that often dealt with erotic themes.[73] Byron gives a catalogue in his poem Don Juan:
"That horrid one" by Virgil is Eclogue 2, a bucolic expression of frank homoerotic yearning. In describing homoerotic aspects of Byron's life and work, Louis Crompton uses the umbrella term "Greek love" to cover literary and cultural models of homosexuality from classical antiquity as a whole, both Greek and Roman,[75] as received by intellectuals, artists, and moralists of the time. To those such as Byron who were steeped in classical literature, the phrase "Greek love" evoked pederastic myths such as Ganymede and Hyacinthus, as well as historical figures such as the political martyrs Harmodius and Aristogeiton, and Hadrian's beloved Antinous; Byron refers to all these stories in his writings. He was even more intimate with the classical tradition of male love in Latin literature, and quoted or translated homoerotic passages from Catullus, Horace, Virgil, and Petronius,[76] whose name "was a byword for homosexuality in the eighteenth century."[77] In Byron's circle at Cambridge, "Horatian" was a code word for "bisexual."[76] Byron's library in England included Latin editions of Xenophon, Athenaeus, Catullus, Virgil, Horace, Tibullus, Propertius, Petronius, and Martial, and English translations of Anacreon, Herodotus, Lucretius, Juvenal, and Tacitus, all of whose works contain passages referring to the homosexual practices of their time.[78]
Byron's "Ode 3" was an imitation of Anacreon, in the playful mode of erotic verse directed in antiquity at both women and boys.[79] In his youth, Byron was also drawn to heroic love between men, particularly Vergil's account of the tragic bond between Nisus and Euryalus in Book 9 of the Aeneid, which Byron paraphrased in Hours of Idleness.[80] Crompton connects Byron's interest in the Nisus and Euryalus narrative to a real-life relationship between the poet, as an aristocratic patron, and John Edlestone, a young man from a humble background who was two years Byron's junior.[81]
In one of Byron's adaptations of a classical poem on the love of boys, he omits Catullus's addressee, the youth Juventius, and titled the poem "To Ellen":
| Line | Byron, "To Ellen" | Line | Catullus, Carmen 48 |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Oh! might I kiss those eyes of fire, | 1 | Juventius, your honeyed eyes, Mellitos oculos tuos, Iuuenti, |
| 2 | A million scarce would quench desire; | 3[82] | with as many as three hundred thousand kisses usque ad milia basiem trecenta |
| 3 | Still, would I steep my lips in bliss, | 2 | (if anyone should allow me to kiss them), si quis me sinat usque basiare, |
| 4 | And dwell an age on every kiss; | ||
| 5 | Nor then my soul should sated be, | 4 | may I not ever seem to be sated, nec numquam uidear satur futurus, |
| 6 | Still, would I kiss, and cling to thee; | ||
| 7 | Nought should my kiss from thine dissever, | 5 | not even if more abundant than grain for harvest non si densior aridis aristis |
| 8 | Still, would we kiss, and kiss for ever. | 6 | our crop of kisses should be. sit nostrae seges osculationis. |
At this point in his life, Byron "for more than a year … had been exchanging chaste kisses with a boy at Cambridge he had fallen in love with."[83] As the poet approached his 21st birthday, when he would accede to the House of Lords, his interests became wholly heterosexual and even "hectic" in the pursuit of women.[84] His male relationships seem to have revived when he left England, but even in his correspondence, Byron and his friends resorted to the code of classical allusions, in one piece of correspondence referring with elaborate puns to "Hyacinths" who might be struck by coits, as the mythological Hyacinthus was accidentally felled while throwing the discus with Apollo.[85]
Shelley complained that contemporary reticence about homosexuality kept modern readers without a knowledge of the original languages from understanding a vital part of ancient Greek life.[86] His poetry was influenced by the "androgynous male beauty" represented in Winckelmann's art history.[87] Shelley wrote his Discourse on the Manners of the Antient Greeks Relative to the Subject of Love on the Greek conception of love in 1818 during his first summer in Italy, concurrently with his translation of Plato's Symposium.[88][89] Shelley was the first major English writer to treat Platonic homosexuality, although neither work was published during his lifetime. His translation of the Symposium did not appear in complete form until 1910.[89] Shelley asserts that Greek love arose from the circumstances of Greek households, in which women were not educated and not treated as equals, and thus not suitable objects of ideal love.[89][90] Although Shelley recognizes the homosexual nature of the love relationships between males in ancient Greece, he argues that homosexual lovers often engaged in no behaviour of a sexual nature, and that Greek love was based on the intellectual component, in which one seeks a complementary beloved.[90] He maintains that the immorality of the homosexual acts are on par with the immorality of contemporary prostitution, and contrasts the pure version of Greek love with the later licentiousness found in Roman culture.[91] Shelley cites Shakespeare's sonnets as an English expression of the same sentiments, and ultimately argues that they are chaste and platonic in nature.[91]
Throughout the 19th century, upper-class men of same-sex orientation or sympathies regarded "Greek love", often used as a euphemism for the ancient pederastic relationship between a man and a youth, as a "legitimating ideal":[92] "the prestige of Greece among educated middle-class Victorians … was so massive that invocations of Hellenism could cast a veil of respectability over even a hitherto unmentionable vice or crime."[93] Homosexuality emerged as a category of thought during the Victorian era in relation to classical studies and "manly" nationalism; the discourse of Greek love during this time generally excluded women's sexuality.[94] Late Victorian writers such as Walter Pater, Oscar Wilde, and John Addington Symonds saw in "Greek love" a way to introduce individuality and diversity within their own civilization.[95] Pater's short story "Apollo in Picardy" is set at a fictional monastery where a pagan stranger named Apollyon causes the death of the young novice Hyacinth; it has been observed that the monastery "maps Greek love" as the site of a potential "homoerotic community" within Anglo-Catholicism.[96] Others who addressed the subject of Greek love in letters, essays, and poetry include Arthur Henry Hallam.[97]
The efforts among aesthetes and intellectuals to legitimate various forms of homosexual behaviors and attitudes by virtue of a Hellenic model were not without opposition. The 1877 essay "The Greek Spirit in Modern Literature" by Richard St. John Tyrwhitt[98] warned against the perceived immorality of this agenda. Tyrwhitt, who was a vigorous supporter of studying Greek, characterized the Hellenism of his day as "the total denial of any moral restraint on any human impulses," and outlined what he saw as the proper scope of Greek influence on the education of young men.[99] Tyrwhitt and other critics attacked by name several scholars and writers who had tried to use Plato to support an early gay-rights agenda and whose careers were subsequently damaged by their association with "Greek love."[100]
In 1873, the poet and literary critic John Addington Symonds wrote A Problem in Greek Ethics, a work of what could later be called "gay history," inspired by the poetry of Walt Whitman.[101] The work, "perhaps the most exhaustive eulogy of Greek love,"[102] remained unpublished for a decade, and then was printed at first only in a limited edition for private distribution.[103] Although the Oxford English Dictionary credits the medical writer C.G. Chaddock for introducing "homosexual" into the English language in 1892, Symonds had already used the word in A Problem in Greek Ethics.[104] Symonds's approach throughout most of the essay is primarily philological. He treats "Greek love" as central to Greek "esthetic morality."[102] Aware of the taboo nature of his subject matter, Symonds referred obliquely to pederasty as "that unmentionable custom" in a letter to a prospective reader of the book,[105] but defined "Greek love" in the essay itself as "a passionate and enthusiastic attachment subsisting between man and youth, recognised by society and protected by opinion, which, though it was not free from sensuality, did not degenerate into mere licentiousness."[106]
Symonds studied classics under Benjamin Jowett at Balliol College, Oxford, and later worked with Jowett on an English translation of Plato's Symposium.[107] When Jowett was critical of Symonds' opinions on sexuality,[108] Symonds asserted that "Greek love was for Plato no 'figure of speech,' but a present and poignant reality. Greek love is for modern studies of Plato no 'figure of speech' and no anachronism, but a present poignant reality."[109] Symonds struggled against the desexualization of "Platonic love," and sought to debunk the association of effeminacy with homosexuality by advocating a Spartan-inspired view of male love as contributing to military and political bonds.[110] When Symonds was falsely accused of corrupting choirboys, Jowett supported him, despite his own equivocal views of the relation of Hellenism to contemporary legal and social issues that affected homosexuals.[111]
Symonds also translated classical poetry on homoerotic themes, and wrote poems drawing on ancient Greek imagery and language such as Eudiades, which has been called "the most famous of his homoerotic poems": "The metaphors are Greek, the tone Arcadian and the emotions a bit sentimental for present-day readers."[112]
One of the ways in which Symonds and Whitman expressed themselves in their correspondence on the subject of homosexuality was through references to ancient Greek culture, such as the intimate friendship between Callicrates, "the most beautiful man among the Spartans," and the soldier Aristodemus.[113] Symonds was influenced by Karl Otfried Müller's work on the Dorians, which included an "unembarrassed" examination of the place of pederasty in Spartan pedagogy, military life, and society.[114] Symonds distinguished between "heroic love," for which the ideal friendship of Achilles and Patroclus served as a model, and "Greek love," which combined social ideals with "vulgar" reality.[102] Symonds envisioned a "nationalist homosexuality" based on the model of Greek love, distanced from effeminacy and "debasing" behaviors and viewed as "in its origin and essence, military."[115] He tried to reconcile his presentation of Greek love with Christian and chivalrous values.[116] His strategy for influencing social acceptance of homosexuality and legal reform in England included evoking an idealized Greek model that reflected Victorian moral values such as honor, devotion, and self-sacrifice.[117]
The trial of Oscar Wilde marked the end of the period when proponents of "Greek love" could hope to legitimate homosexuality by appeals to a classical model.[118]
In his essay "Greek Love," Alastair Blanshard asserts that "Contrasting attitudes toward Greek love is one of the defining and divisive issues in the homosexual rights movement."[119] The legacy of Greece in homosexual aesthetics became problematic, and the meaning of a "costume" derived from classical antiquity was questioned.[119] The French theorist Michel Foucault (1926–1984), perhaps best known for his monumental work The History of Sexuality, rejected essentialist conceptions of gay history, and fostered a now "widely accepted" view that "Greek love is not a prefiguration of modern homosexuality."[120]